Especially the relationship between inequality and health was and have subsequent effects on health, nutrition and child development” (:6). but also for closing the health gap between the rich and the poor in the LMICs. In developing countries, breaking the vicious circle of poverty and ill health is an essential condition for economic development. . Food security, nutrition and health. .. And gender inequality disadvantages further the health of poor . to encourage links between health and policies in other sectors that promote the health. Chapter 3: The Abraham Horwitz Lecture: Poverty and Nutrition in South Asia, .. food, health and care for women, their families and their communities. awareness of the complex relationship between poverty and malnutrition in .. Absolute poverty and relative poverty (or inequality) are often related but can be quite.
Consistent with past research, children of multiple- birth status are more likely to be undernourished than children who are single-births [ 21 ]. The association between adverse growth-stunting and higher-order births may be due to competition for food within a household that is likely to be greater in households with more children.
In addition, there is a higher proportion of adverse growth-stunting among children who were breastfed for more than one year partly due to the fact that poorer mothers are more likely to continue breastfeeding as a substitute for supplemental feeding. Contrary to the expectation, our analysis finds no significant effects of breastfeeding duration and household water and sanitation conditions on childhood adverse growth-stunting.
In previous research, it has been suggested that a mother's education is one of the more important factors in promoting a family's health and nutrition, increasing household income [ 3940 ].
Income, Poverty, and Health Inequality. | Health Disparities | JAMA | JAMA Network
However, in our analysis, maternal education is found to have little to no effect on adverse childhood growth-stunting; even when we control for a mother's education, this does not significantly alter the effect of household wealth status on growth-stunting.
One potential limitation of this analysis is that it does not control for diet and other health care indicators. However, household wealth status functions mainly through better access to food and health care in affecting childhood nutritional status, for example more wealthy households can afford better food in terms of quality.
In the case of adults, the association between nutritional status and household wealth status could be bi-directional and have a reverse-causal relationship. In fact, household wealth status can affect access to food and health care, but undernourished adults whose ability to work is limited will in turn affect the household economic status of the household. In this case, our inability to control for food intake and access to health care is not a major limitation.
Another potential limitation is the cross-sectional design of our analysis. However, due to the fact that the relationship operates basically from household wealth status to childhood growth-stunting, the effects estimated in this study are a good measure of the causal relationship between household wealth status and childhood chronic under-nutrition. Moreover, the study can be criticized for using an indirect measure of household wealth.
However, due to the fact that in developing countries like Bangladesh it is hard to obtain reliable income and expenditure data, an asset-based index is generally considered a good proxy for household wealth status.
Notwithstanding these limitations, there is evidence of a relationship between household wealth status and others factors and childhood growth-stunting which suggests that improving the health and nutritional status of children in Bangladesh can be realized through expanding and integrating community health and nutritional programs and initiatives targeting the poor.
Competing interests The author s declare that they have no competing interests. Authors' contributions RH carried out the study design, data management and analysis, and drafted and revised the manuscript. JEB participated in the designing of the study, and in drafting and revising the manuscript.
JAB participated in the designing of the study, in managing of the data, and in drafting and revising the manuscript.
All authors read and approved the final manuscript. World Development Report Nutrition for improved development outcomes.
Income, Poverty, and Health Inequality
Scientific Research on Socioeconomic status and health: Domestic and international evidence "Improving Health: It doesn't take a revolution". Income, socioeconomic status and health: National Policy Association; Zere E, McIntyre D. Inequities in under-five child malnutrition in South Africa. Int J Equity Health. In an era of economic growth, is inequity holding back reduction in child malnutrition in Vietnam? Asian Pa J Clin Nutr.Mental health & Poverty: Unlocking the potential - Crick Lund - TEDxCapeTown
Economic Growth and Poverty Reduction in Bangladesh United Nations Development Program. Human development report Bangladesh Bureau of Statistic.
Household Expenditure Survey — Larrea C, Kawachi I. Does economic inequality affect child malnutrition? The case of Ecuador. The relationship between child anthropometry and mortality in developing countries: Implication for policy, program and future research. Malnutrition as an underlying cause of childhood deaths associated with infectious diseases in developing countries.
Bull World Health Organ. Too young to die: Malnutrition, morbidity and child mortality in developing countries; pp.
Malnutrition and impaired immune response to infection. World Health Report Is it the role of physicians and other health professionals to address poverty? Our answers to these questions determine whether wealth gradients lead only to health inequality—or whether they contribute to health inequitywhich is inequality that is avoidable and unfair. Two arguments favor paying attention to income and wealth distributions as part of advancing health equity.
First, health care spending—the realm of medical professionals—can worsen income inequality, at both individual and systemic levels.
Individually, poor people have to spend a much greater proportion of their income on health care than richer people do. Inmedical outlays lowered the median income for the poorest decile of US individuals by Systemically, medical spending can crowd out other government spending on social servicesdrawing resources away from education and environmental improvement, for example.
Clinicians who care about the social determinants of health must also pay heed to the cost and opportunity cost of health care.
Second, we are in a period when declines in key public health indicators may be wrought by policies that ostensibly have little to do with health—such as tax policy.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported that average life expectancy decreased for the second year in a row in But mean mortality changes may obscure the full picturewhich is more about increasing mortality being concentrated in lower-income groups. Meanwhile, the recent Tax Cuts and Jobs Act is likely to exacerbate income inequality.
This is particularly true if the tax cuts trigger cuts in government spendingas Republican leaders have signaled. Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program SNAP, also known as food stamps are 2 programs for low-income individuals that are likely to be targeted for cuts.
Even if Medicare and Social Security are spared, life expectancy differences by income means that more affluent US adults can expect to claim those benefits over a longer lifespan. For instance, economic policy like the Earned Income Tax Credit has been associated with decreases in low birth weight. Focusing on resources to support children—such as nurse home visits to pregnant women, prekindergarten programs, and adolescent mental health care— can directly improve health while influencing intergenerational economic mobility.