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This is, of course, an important point. In the s, the kings of Bithynia and Pergamum were locked into a bitter conflict that included sending diplomats to Rome to accuse one another. Cotys, we are told, was represented there by his son. The lex de provinciis praetoriis, as noted, used Rhodian ambassadors to communicate its content throughout the east.
Diplomats and Diplomacy in the Roman World (Mnemosyne, Bibliotheca Classica Batava Supplementum)
The lex is also interesting in other ways. Dating from about BC, it has long been recognized as a piece of popularis legislation,37 and as such it illustrates one of 30 so M. Now, as Yakobson points out below, the idea that the senate had exclusive control in such matters is often overstated, but the fact that the senate was the only place where foreign diplomats could be formally received and heard no doubt guaranteed its dominance in such questions during the Republic.
It is therefore all the more striking to see that the populus was generally well-informed on questions of foreign policy, as Yakobson shows. Precisely how they won this knowledge is less clear: It is important to remember, however, that senators could be approached outside of formal meetings of the senate. It is not merely the case that interesting things can be said about Roman diplomacy—its patterns and rhythms, its strengths and shortcomings as a system—or that the Roman diplomatic context can be invoked to explain what happened and why.
Diplomacy can also shed light on a wide variety of historical and cultural trends. It was Fergus Millar especially who taught us to see the Roman empire as a dialogue: Hauken, introduction 11 many dialogues were carried out between representatives of the Roman power and those of its allies, subjects, and rivals. Because exchanges of diplomats are so fundamental to the process, they can often serve as proxies of other phenomena.
To choose the most obvious example, the growing tendency of cities to send embassies to the Emperor rather than to the senate signals the acceptance of monarchical ideology. It is clear, however, that the cities would have preferred to deal with the emperor: And this scene that so pleased Tacitus apparently made no impression in the provinces: On the one hand, the embassies themselves were a significant recognition of authority and notable mark of honour.
Thus it is only natural that Augustus in his Res Gestae expressed obvious pride in the embassies sent to him from far and wide. As the Roman state expanded, however, it also began receive delegations not only from the subjects and allies that were external to it, but its own citizens, too—its coloniae, for example. The same institutions and practices were used for internal and external relations. Indeed, they were more commonly internal than external.
This itself is a significant fact that gives us a glimpse of how the Romans viewed their empire. Indeed, the fact that the institutions overlapped helped facilitate the incorporation of outsiders into the Roman system and helped create rhetorical approaches for constituent groups.
He notes that the Jews were treated as a single body capable of being represented diplomatically by the single voice of the highpriest in Jerusalem, even at times when the high-priest lay outside the empire and the Jewish communities that he was representing were within. Diplomatic patterns, then, can provide for us a useful proxy for group identity.
As various Christian thinkers began to explore ways of conceiving of the Christian community, the language of nationhood and ethnic identity were exploited and naturally enough the standard forms of diplomatic activity followed. The importance of envoys and their roles within the Roman system are easily explained. Practical questions of distance and time, combined with the primitiveness of communication technologies, imposed certain constraints on communication. The only alternative to sending envoys was the epistle, and that had certain obvious disadvantages: Epistles also lacked the personal touch, and this was important, as an episode from the reign of Antoninus Pius illustrates.
The famous orator Polemo was to plead concerning the temple rights of his home-city Smyrna, but his appearance was prevented by his death. His fellow ambassadors performed poorly before the emperor, who asked whether Polemo had prepared a speech.
After it had been discovered and delivered, Antoninus Pius ruled in favour of Smyrna. Over the centuries during which Rome had evolved from a small city-state into a world empire, diplomatic formalities had been dominated by the senate, which was a relatively small and honour-driven body. It had a sense of its own collective importance, rights, and responsibilities.
For senators, personal contact was important. The senate had always made its decisions together, in person, and face-to-face interaction was central to their social and political life.
In the morning salutatio, for example, a Roman senator would receive visitors to his home to transact business, express support, or seek aid. It was only natural, then, that its encounters with other states were also face-to-face. Consequently diplomatic processes were not, as in the modern world, exclusively a venue for engagement between formally independent foreign powers.
They were also the most important mechanism for internal communication between all actors: Erim, Aphrodisias and Rome: Erim, together with some related texts Journal of Roman Studies monographs, no 1; London,doc. Ager The conceptual clash: Greek diplomacy of compromise and Roman iustum bellum The world of diplomacy, ancient or modern, is one that is naturally prone to the problems of culture clash.
International diplomacy is the meeting-place of disparate cultures, and not infrequently serves as a sort of unarmed battleground of cultural concepts. But diplomacy is also a field of manipulation, of perception, and of posturing. The genuine clash of cultures also provides ample opportunities for choosing to misunderstand: Greek and Roman diplomatic conflicts should not be seen as all purely of one type or the other: Both responses no doubt played a role in the history of the interaction of the two peoples, and it is not always easy or possible to say whether a particular instance of diplomatic friction between Greeks and Romans constituted one or the other or both at once.
One of the most inauspicious diplomatic moments in Hellenistic history was the ill-fated Rhodian attempt to mediate a peaceful solution to the 3rd Macedonian War.
Piccirilli, Gli arbitrati interstatali greci, i: Pisa, ; A. Berkeley,96—; S. Magnetto, Gli arbitrati interstatali greci, ii: For less sanguine views, see C. Auliard, La diplomatie romaine: Rennes,— on the paucity of evidence for Roman involvement in cases of third party diplomacy until Rome became roman perspectives on greek diplomacy 17 that applied to them.
Fides, amicitia, clientela are but a few of them, and these concepts coloured the Roman response to relations with the Greek world, and at times perhaps blinded both Romans and Greeks to understanding one another such blindness may often have been selective.
To begin with, we must acknowledge that the sources on the ius fetiale and fetial procedure, which were allegedly beliefs and practices of great antiquity, are all late and archaizing, and no doubt do not represent the highest standards of accuracy.
On the fetials and ius fetiale, including discussion of source issues, see int. Ogilvie, A Commentary on Livy, Books 1—5, — 18 sheila l. Vestigia, 8; Munich,—; K. Dawson, The Origins of Western Warfare: Carthage en avant J. Livy of course speaks constantly of iustum piumque bellum, e. On formal notions of iustum bellum and an ethical basis of ius fetiale not appearing until the 1st century: Moreover, in this passage he says nothing as to just cause cf.
Albert, Bellum iustum, 17—20 argues that ius fetiale and iustae causae were both required to make a war just; L. Loreto, Il bellum iustum e i suoi equivoci: For Cicero, it may simply have meant no more than having a cause, as opposed to going to war rabidly, like a wild animal. Polybios comments occasionally on the distinction between the real reasons the Romans chose to fight a war, and the pretexts which they put forward as more acceptable Doing so should ensure that a war was not only iustum, but pium, that it had the support of the gods.
Insofar as we can trust what Livy reports about those procedures, what do they tell us about a possible conflict with the notion of third party diplomacy? Livy details a three-stage process by which the fetials responded to an injury committed against the Roman community 1. The rerum repetitio, that first stage, represents no call to negotiation, no invitation to debate or discussion, only a set of demands premised on the conviction that Rome has been wronged.
Ogilvie does caution against putting too much faith in the precise formulae as reported by Livy p. The multitude and the terrifying nature of the omens before the Battle of Carrhae—omens willfully ignored by the commander—testify that the supernatural verdict had gone against the Romans, and furthermore that this verdict had been delivered before the battle ever took place.
Harris, War and Imperialism, Hostilius Mancinus handed over to the Numantines after the Roman defeat in ; see N.
They too believed in the notion of justice in warfare, and each side generally went into battle armed with the conviction that the gods supported their particular cause. For the Romans, the justice of their wars was a significant part of their ideology—one they took quite seriously—and the honour and prestige associated with such an ideology played an important role in their selfconception.
Honour and prestige have pragmatic as well as ideological aspects: Ferrary notes only two occasions on which the Republican Romans accepted a compromise peace, both of them exceptional and in the end temporary: Iustum bellum and third party diplomacy The notion of international third party diplomacy did not truly engage the Romans until they came into contact with the Greek world, so potential conflict between ius fetiale and diplomatic compromise would not have arisen in the early Republic.
Furthermore, since the formalities of fetial procedure do not seem to have been employed, at least not in the same fashion, in Roman interactions with the Hellenistic east, such conflict might not be immediately apparent in the middle Republic either.
But it is not so much the formalities of fetial procedure that are relevant here, as the underlying philosophy which gave rise to those formalities in the first place, and there is ample evidence that this philosophy never changed: Rome had to compete before a sort of divine tribunal….
If the Romans no longer delivered the rerum repetitio or the testatio deorum, they did deliver the non-negotiable ultimatum, which came pretty much to the same thing. What is at issue here is the question of how the Romans perceived and responded to suggestions that their own conflicts be subjected to compromise solutions, that they themselves submit to arbitration or mediation. The same set of examples— drawing chiefly on Livy and Polybios—is adduced by both sides in the debate.
As examples, they are problematic. They are all we have, but I do not think they support what they have so far been said to support. The former is more of a cooperative process, with a friendly third party endeavouring to bring together the disputants in an amicable solution, but without binding legal authority. Arbitration, on the other hand, is viewed as a legal process, and is generally also defined as Such as the ultimata delivered to Philip V in The much earlier work of L.
Mediation aims at friendly reconciliation and agreement, on the basis of equity rather than law. Arbitration, although it too can operate on the basis of compromise, is more of a judicial procedure; it is carried out in the context of a putative international law and aims primarily at determining legal right and rendering a judgement, rather than conciliating the parties involved.
Without it, discussions of Roman attitudes to Hellenistic third party diplomacy were largely meaningless. On the basis of this distinction, both scholars cited examples which they felt indicated that while Rome was not open to the idea of arbitration in her own disputes, she was amenable to the idea of mediation. Not only might the Romans have felt that they already had been subjected to the arbitration of the highest possible court—that of the gods—there are numerous political reasons why the Romans and most powerful states were and are reluctant to submit to binding arbitration.
No scholar today would defend the notion that Rome was willing to have her disputes arbitrated. Brown, A Manual of International Law, 6th ed. Milton,—; J. Olton, The International Relations Dictionary, 4th ed. Santa Barbara and Oxford, —; H. James, A Dictionary of Diplomacy, 2nd ed.
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Basingstoke, NY,13, What about the claim that Rome was quite content to be party to mediation? The Roman commander, P. Sulpicius Galba, claims he does not have the authority to conclude a peace, and secretly sends a message to the senate urging that the war be continued.