Re bahia meet me in lagos the 1


re bahia meet me in lagos the 1

I visited the Nigerian city Lagos about one year ago and I was Moussa: The Àgùdà are usually thought of as “Brazilian slaves”, mainly Yorùbá, If you compare Bahia to other parts of Brazil, especially Rio de .. This also helped me to see patterns in the big picture that I would not have noticed otherwise. Ancestor worship in Bahia: the Égun-cult . Although the funeral rites constitute one important aspect (as yet not studied in depth) of the Thus they founded the Terreiro do Tuntum (see below). .. Egúngún Га me We are worshipping Egúngún The History of the Yorubas, C.M.S., (Nigeria) Bookshops, Lagos, , p. FashionPhoenix: RE BAHIA "MEET ME IN LAGOS" CAPSULE COLLECTION [Day 3- Group 1] – Grey, Kastle Designs & Treasure Chest, Re Bahia.

The concept of Nigerian Vernacular Architecture can therefore be described as the external architectural influence on Nigerian buildings from outside Nigeria. Aradeon defines vernacular architecture as a modification of traditional architecture. Some of the returnee slaves in the ship were: He returned to Lagos in the s. He was said to have owned and operated the Iju water works that served the entire Lagos in the s before it was taken over by the Lagos State Government.

He was regarded as the richest Nigerian. They were taught cursive writing and trained in building construction in Brazil before they returned home to Lagos Island. Ramos Salus Salvador was a Muslim while Mrs.

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Maria Salvador was a Catholic. Ramos Salus Salvador also had children from other wives. According to the minister, the building was built by one of the slaves that returned from Brazil. It is like a living monument of our slave trade past. It was a monument that exhibited the Brazilian architecture at that time, which is rare to come by anywhere in the world. As far back asthe Federal Government acquired this property as a national monument and it was gazetted.

He recalled that when government declared the building as national monument, arrangement was made with the family on how to maintain the place and there were several meeting held between the two parties.

The minister said that there was no reason, except greed, that could have propelled any developer into demolishing the building. This building is a remembrance of what our ancestors went through in slavery and how they triumph, came back and they showed that they were well-to-do.

It is worth billions of dollars because it symbolized our past. We have the responsibility to preserve our past and culture so that our children unborn will come here and see what they are like. We all go to London and Paris to see their monuments. If those people had destroyed their own culture, architecture and heritage, what then will we be going there to see?


Mohammed assured that whoever destroyed the building would be fished out, no matter how long it would take to do so. The minister debunked the claim that the structure was weak, adding that the government would take over the defense of the civil suit filed by the developer. Speaking on the issue, Lagos State Commissioner of Police, Owoseni, said when the building was demolished, he immediately ordered the Area Commander to look for the developer but they said he was very sick and on admission in the hospital.

He advised that the site be sealed-up to prevent illegal trading on the plot. He said the Police could not take action because the case was already in court.

The Angel was said to be an antiquity and by the provision of the law, only the National Museum has the statutory powers to deal with antiquity. Eric Awobuyide, a member of the Olaiya family who briefed the minister on the demolition, said the building had attracted many tourists from different parts of the world.

He added that on the fateful day the building was brought down, he was not around. Figure 5 — Demolition of Olaiya House 2.

But within the country of Brazil it was a very distinct phenomenon, limited to the area of Bahia. In understanding the returnee movement between the Bight of Benin region and Brazil, the first thing that you have to realize is that during the slave trade, Bahia formed a special relationship with that part of Africa. If you compare Bahia to other parts of Brazil, especially Rio de Janeiro which was the other main port of arrival from Africa, the proportion of captives from the Bight of Benin was much higher in Bahia.

So freed people in Bahia who decided to go back to Africa had a reason for wanting to settle in the Bight of Benin: Also, the single greatest impetus to the returnee movement was the political repression after a Muslim slave rebellion in Bahia in The rebellion was organized mainly by Yoruba speakers, but the crackdown was directed at Muslims in general.

Around two hundred people were deported to Ouidah by the authorities, through an agreement with Dahomey. Around a thousand others went back to Africa voluntarily over the next year or so. Many were family or friends of the deportees. Many of them also settled in Ouidah.

re bahia meet me in lagos the 1

On a smaller scale, the return movement continued until the end of the s. First of all, you have the Cuban component. It is known that after the La Escalera uprising in the Cuban government also deported a number of suspects to Africa, supposedly to Lagos. As far as I know this has not been documented concretely but historians tend to talk about several hundred. Over the years, there were also voluntary returnees from Cuba, as in the case of Brazil. Once in Africa, they tended to be grouped together with returnees from Brazil.

Second of all, within the context of Brazil, although most of the returnees were coming from Bahia, there were also smaller numbers coming from other parts of the country. But most of the ships leaving for the Bight of Benin left from Bahia. So you would have freed people who had been slaves in places like Rio de Janeiro or Porto Alegre who would come to Bahia and from there book a passage on a ship leaving for Lagos or Ouidah.

re bahia meet me in lagos the 1

Can you tell us about the people leaving? As I was going through the passport records for the period right after the uprising of and correlating them with information I was digging up from parish and notary records, it became apparent that people tended to travel in groups, not only with members of a given household going to the passport office together to make their requests, but also groups of households that had developed relationships with each other over the course of years in Bahia.

So one of the lessons to take away from analyzing these groups of travelers is the surprising cohesiveness of social relations, in the face of enslavement and dispersion. Tairu became imam of the mosque in the Hausa quarter, shown here.

Finding information on the travelers of the s is really hard, because it was the period of the illegal slave trade and the owners of ships traveling to the Bight of Benin did their best not to leave any trace of these voyages, so as to escape the authorities.

Like drug traffickers today. But it is known that in Bahia alone, tens of thousands of captives from the Bight of Benin arrived in the s, and most of the Africans who traveled back and forth during this period were employed on the slave ships that brought these captives. They worked as cooks, sailors, barbers, carpenters, caulkers, etc. Born in Bahia to a Hausa father and African mother of unknown ethnicity, inat the age of eight, Angelo Custodio was taken by his parents to Ouidah, where he still has descendants today.

As an adult he worked in maritime commerce between Brazil and the Bight of Benin, which, after the end of the slave trade, was dominated by palm oil, but also included products such as country cloths, kola nuts, black soap and straw mats. These products are still used today in Brazil, in the ritual context. Arquivo Publico da Bahia, photo taken by Lisa Earl Castillo In the s, the demographics change again, and suddenly women and children are receiving passports again.

By the s Lagos became the main destination. Certainly the British seizure of Lagos helped, by making the city a sort of safe haven where a person would not run the risk of being re-enslaved.

At the same time, the British actively began encouraging returnees to settle there, offering them land and the possibility of being considered British subjects. The colonial enterprise created a demand for carpenters, stone masons, cobblers, cooks, laundresses, seamstresses, etc. The returnees from Brazil had these skills. Places like Ouidah, which were still controlled by African monarchs, did not have this kind of demand.

Also, Ouidah particularly was subject to blockades by the British and went through a period of high inflation, which may have made it less attractive to new arrivals. Note the Western attire, except for the woman at far right, identified as a slave. At first glance the exodus from Brazil looks like a start into freedom — African slaves, leaving the diaspora behind, going back to the motherland!

But at the end they changed from the institution of slavery in the diaspora into the institution of slavery in West Africa. How did they achieve this position? One of the things that came as a surprise to me as I dug deeper into the life histories of the people returning to Africa is that many of them were relatively well-to-do, compared to the majority of freed people in Bahia. Many of them owned not only real estate but also slaves, and before leaving for Africa they liquidated these assets.

In addition to selling their houses, they sold freedom letters to their adult slaves. With the money, the masters financed their return voyages and defrayed the costs associated with resettlement. Children were usually freed at no cost, but often with a catch: Slavery was a fundamental part of the social fabric in West Africa, and local opposition to it developed considerably after the abolition movement in the Americas had gained force.

That being said, the racialization of enslavement in the Americas was a huge difference, and slaves in Africa often had more upward mobility than in the Americas. I said above that the onset of colonial rule in Lagos created a demand for construction and domestic workers, skills which the returnees had acquired during their enslavement. The same thing happened in present-day Benin, after the French colonization in the s. The system of cowry-shell divination is even associated with his name in Brazil.

Ancestor worship in Bahia : the Égun-cult - Persée

Where do you collect those stories? My research on the founding figures of the oldest terreiros starts with the oral traditions. The names and events recalled in these traditions form my starting point in searching for historical documents.

Occasionally complementary information comes from the structure or content of certain rituals. Oral traditions often vary quite a bit depending on who is telling the story, and comparing the differences between one version and another, as well as the points in common, can bring important insights. If the person has descendants, I try to locate family members.

Their memories can be especially rich sources of information, and they often have photographs or written documents. See the freedom letter of Rufino's ancestor below. It is real detective work. Although most masters required their slaves to pay market prices in exchange for their freedom, Rufino was fortunate in receiving his freedom at no cost and with no obligations. In nineteenth-century Brazil, Catholicism was the state religion, and everyone, including slaves, had to be baptized.

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For my research, baptism records are a real gold mine, because they allow you to identify relationships that may be absent from — or complement — oral traditions. The port authorities in Brazil kept fairly good records on this stuff.

For people who traveled a lot, sometimes this is the only kind of document they turn up in. But in all kinds of old documents, the intervening century or tropical heat and humidity have taken their toll and they are frequently in an advanced state of decay. Sometimes the paper has become so brittle that it literally breaks into pieces when you try to turn the page.

Brazilians in Lagos

How does your working practice look like? How much time do you spend in libraries and what kind of material can you find there about the lives of the African Brazilians? Libraries are a very secondary part of my research.

Most of the information comes from archival sources, from baptism records, wills, probate records etc.