The South has relatively higher numbers of poor uninsured adults than in other the underlying characteristics of the state population (Table 1). . Further, even if they do receive an offer from their employer that meets ACA. I've been doing this for decades, building on family history research passed mind all the aunts, uncles, and cousins on the rest of the family tree. That means that each generation you go back your number of ancestors doubles. . If you meet someone who has completed their goal, I encourage you. Federal Poverty Level Guidelines and Chart Number of People in Household, 48 States & DC, Alaska, Hawaii an assistance program determines whether to use the family's before-tax or after-tax income in computing eligibility. American families with incomes too small to even meet their basic needs.
While the Medicaid expansion was intended to be national, the June Supreme Court ruling essentially made it optional for states. As of June17 states had not expanded their programs. Medicaid eligibility for adults in states that did not expand their programs is quite limited: Gap in Coverage for Adults in States that Do Not Expand Medicaid Under the ACA This brief presents estimates of the number of people in non-expansion states who could have been reached by Medicaid but instead fall into the coverage gap, describes who they are, and discusses the implications of them being left out of ACA coverage expansions.
An overview of the methodology underlying the analysis can be found in the Methods box at the end of the report, and more detail is available in the Technical Appendices available here.
EHBS – Summary Of Findings – | The Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation
These individuals would be eligible for Medicaid had their state chosen to expand coverage. Adults left in the coverage gap are spread across the states not expanding their Medicaid programs but are concentrated in states with the largest uninsured populations.
More than a quarter of people in the coverage gap reside in Texas, which has both a large uninsured population and very limited Medicaid eligibility Figure 2. Seventeen percent live in Florida, eleven percent in Georgia, and nine percent in North Carolina.
There are no uninsured adults in the coverage gap in Wisconsin because the state is providing Medicaid eligibility to adults up to the poverty level under a Medicaid waiver. Distribution of Adults in the Coverage Gap, by State and Region The geographic distribution of the population in the coverage gap reflects both population distribution and regional variation in state take-up of the ACA Medicaid expansion.
The South has relatively higher numbers of poor uninsured adults than in other regions, has higher uninsured rates and more limited Medicaid eligibility than other regions, and accounts for the majority 9 out of 17 of states that opted not to expand Medicaid. The characteristics of the population that falls into the coverage gap largely mirror those of poor uninsured adults.
Chart Book: Temporary Assistance for Needy Families
Several states that have large Black populations e. As a result, Blacks account for a slightly higher share of people in the coverage gap compared to the total poor adult uninsured population. Demographic Characteristics of Adults in the Coverage Gap Nonelderly adults of all ages fall into the coverage gap Figure 3.
Notably, over half are middle-aged age 35 to 54 or near elderly age 55 to Adults of these ages are likely to have increasing health needs, and research has demonstrated that uninsured people in this age range may leave health needs untreated until they become eligible for Medicare at age These individuals have known health problems that likely require medical attention.
Studies repeatedly demonstrate that uninsured people are less likely than those with insurance to receive preventive care and services for major health conditions and chronic diseases. Aboutuninsured children have a parent in the coverage gap data not shown. Research has found that parent coverage in public programs is associated with higher enrollment of eligible children, 9 so these children may be hard to reach if their parents continue to be ineligible for coverage.
The share of people in the coverage gap who are adults without dependent children versus parents varies by state see Table 1 due to variation in current state eligibility. For example, Tennessee covers all parents up to at least poverty, so all people in the coverage gap in that state are adults without dependent children.
This pattern occurs because women make up the majority of poor adults in states not expanding their programs. The work status of people in the coverage gap indicates that there are limited coverage options available for people in this situation. States spent only 9 percent of their state and federal TANF funds on work activities inand 3 percent on work supports and supportive services like transportation. The rest of federal and state TANF funds are spent outside of core areas, for program management, working-family tax credits, and other state services.
Though not considered core areas, program management is important for TANF operation, and state working-family tax credits ultimately support the goal of work.
However, these other state services, which make up about 28 percent of total TANF spending, are used in some cases to expand programs like pre-K education, or to cover the growing costs of existing services such as child welfare. In other cases, states used TANF funds to replace existing state funds, freeing up those state funds for purposes unrelated to providing a safety net or work opportunities for low-income families. While these are worthy areas for state spending, states are diverting TANF dollars to them instead of funding the core TANF purposes of supporting work for parents and meeting basic needs of poor children.
The employment situation for never-married mothers with a high school education or less — the group of mothers that welfare reform affected most — has changed dramatically over the last several decades.
In the early s, when states first made major changes to their cash welfare programs, only about half of these mothers worked. Importantly, there was a very large employment gap between the share of these never-married mothers and single women without children with similar levels of education, suggesting that there was substantial room for these never-married mothers to increase their participation in the labor force.
Bythe employment gap between these two groups of women closed, and it has remained so. But the employment rate for both groups fell considerably in the years after. The employment rate for never-married mothers is now only slightly higher than when welfare reform was enacted over 20 years ago.
This suggests that the economy and low education levels are now the causes of limited employment among never-married mothers — not the availability of public benefits or another factor unique to never-married mothers. A highly regarded study by University of Chicago economist Jeffrey Grogger found that welfare reform accounted for just 13 percent of the total rise in employment among single mothers in the s.
The EITC which policymakers expanded in and and the economy accounted for 34 percent and 21 percent of the increase, respectively. Furthermore, research shows that while work programs focused on encouraging cash welfare recipients to enter the labor market as soon as possible, this often did not put them in positions of stable employment.
Those with significant employment barriers often never found jobs even after participating in work-first programs. Many poor states chose to set very low cash assistance benefit levels under AFDC, so they received fewer federal TANF dollars per poor child than richer states. As a condition of receiving its full federal TANF block grant, a state must continue to spend 80 percent of its historical state spending, known as the state maintenance of effort MOE requirement.
The MOE requirement also locked in lower state spending obligations for poorer states, creating a greater overall disparity in total TANF funding available per poor child among the states. As a result, between and the block grant lost 32 percent of its value nationwide on a per-poor-child basis.
The share of children living in deep poverty defined as living in families with incomes below half the poverty line has increased since welfare reform was implemented, and research suggests that the loss of TANF benefits contributed to that growth.
TANF benefits are too low to lift many families out of poverty, but they can help reduce the depth of poverty. The erosion in the value of TANF benefits has also contributed. Counting the value of tax credits and non-cash benefits — housing assistance, tax credits, and SNAP formerly food stamps — lowers these numbers considerably, but the growth in extremely poor households with children remains troubling: TANF has failed in its two main purposes: First, TANF does not reach many families in need, even during hard economic times.
The benefits for families that do receive assistance have lost purchasing power, making it increasingly difficult for families to meet their basic needs. Similarly, the record shows that we cannot rely solely upon states to increase opportunity for the poor.Family Drawing for Kids - How to Draw Happy Family
Instead, they made other choices, including using TANF funds to fill budget holes and to substitute for state funds they had previously used to provide assistance to poor families. If they wanted to increase opportunity now, they could do so by using more of their TANF funds to help TANF recipients and other low-income parents gain the education and skills they need to qualify for jobs that will help them escape poverty.
Policymakers should move forward expeditiously to ensure that the next generation has access to a more robust TANF program that both reaches more families in need and provides more meaningful education, training, and work opportunities that give families a reasonable chance of moving out of poverty. TANF reform is long overdue.