Sex and the city quotes most important relationship in feudalism

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sex and the city quotes most important relationship in feudalism

The period also saw the eventual transformation of feudalism due to factors such as agricultural inventions, leading to increased population in city centers. . this means that the most important mistake was made not in the 20th century . The most powerful quotes remind us that while failure is not optional. “The most exciting, challenging and significant relationship of all is the one you have with yourself. And if you can find someone to love the you that you love. Think class in relationships was only an issue in Jane Austen's time? Not anywhere nice – it was in a crap industrial coastal town they And I thought, 'Oh fuck. . didn't know me very well, it always seemed it was a bigger quote than the fact that they're always going to pubs and also, most importantly.

It continues by saying that this is an important area of study for Chinese history, popular customs and the society of ordinary people. A dictionary like this has long been lacking. It is a very thorough and wide- ranging study based on the work of many specialists.

It is noteworthy that there is nothing in this little preface about superstition, illegality or uprisings — it is a far cry from old discussions of "peasant wars.

There are two indices in the front of the book, one alphabetical by pinyin romanization, the other based on the categories noted above, plus sects, deities and miscellaneous. The entries in this dictionary that I have read are all objective and relatively detailed, with the only reference to "superstition" occurring in the discussion of spirit-writing, which says nothing about the Daoist background of this practice or its use by some Confucian scholars from the Song period on.

There is also no mention of books produced by spirit-writing, which have been widespread throughout the Chinese-speaking world since the 19th century. No references are provided for the entries in this dictionary. There are good discussions here of specific sects and sect patriarchs, but there are two general problems with this book, the first of which is its use of "secret" in its title, a term not treated as such in the Dictionary.

As I have discussed sincethough some sects tried to disguise themselves to avoid persecution, secrecy was not a defining characteristic; they practiced openly whenever possible, and were different in origin and structure from sworn- brotherhood associations like the Tiandi-hui for which secret rituals and signs did become important.

A much better Chinese term for the sects is minjian zongjiao jiaopai. After that "White Lotus" was no longer used by sectarians to refer to themselves, but occurred only as a derogatory label in official sources.

This name was employed only by outside observers and investigators, regardless of what the groups involved called themselves. My studies of baojuan support ter Haar's view; in them the term "White Lotus" is used as a symbol of Maitreya's future reign, but never as the name of a group by its own members. Nevertheless, there is much useful information in Pu Wenqi's dictionary, which should be of help to studies of Chinese sectarianism.

Beyond these two dictionaries I have three general studies of our topic; the earliest of which is Zhongguo minzhong yishi The mentality of the Chinese people by Hou Jie and Fan Lizhu, first published in by the Shanxi jiaoyu chubanshe, and revised in This is a pioneering study among mainland scholars on the ideas, values and beliefs of the ordinary people of China as expressed in proverbs, folksongs, wall couplets, myths and vernacular literature, as well as in operas and paintings.

These themes are discussed in their social context against the background of a predominantly agricultural economy. The last chapter of this book is a survey of popular rituals and beliefs, emphasizing the great variety of deity images in homes and temples, all worshipped for practical reasons to seek their support for prosperity, health, family protection and long life. The approach of the authors is objective and descriptive.

They note how the patriarchal structure of ancestor worship influences the veneration of the deified patriarchs of shops, trades, sworn-brotherhood associations and religious sects. The role of de facto freedom of local beliefs in generating new cults is also mentioned. The author, of Mongolian nationality, is a professor in the Chinese Department of Liaoning University and Chair of its People's Customs Research Center, who has published books on folk literature and customs.

This page book is based on written sources and fieldwork among minority peoples in the northeast. In the postface the author says he is indebted to about people! The five chapters of this book, each with many sub-sections, are devoted to the special characteristics of Chinese popular beliefs, the worship of natural objects and powers such as heaven, earth, the sun, moon, rain, wind, mountains, stones, animals and plants, the worship of "illusory objects" such as protective deities, ancestors, ghosts and demons, the worship of immortals, saints and spirit-mediums, and the worship of other objects and images believed to have efficacious power.

The book opens with a resounding preface by Tao Yang, a member of the Daniel L. This preface deserves to be summarized in full: It is a grand collection of the myriad spirits and deities of all the peoples of our nation; its careful explanations and abundant materials have been a revelation to me.

The popular beliefs of our nation are an extremely complex and difficult [topic of study], because of our long history, vast area, fifty-six nationalities and 1,, population. The temporal extent of popular beliefs is vast, from primitive times until the present, and they are extremely wide in scope, varied and difficult to fathom.

One can only admire how the author has provided such a rational and organized survey. Popular beliefs in [Chinese] history have always had a very manifest position in society, and a positive jijt function. The people worship creator deities who bring peace to humanity and improve heaven and earth, heroic ancestors who protected the people and shed their blood in struggles against invasions, and who created and developed the special contributions of artisans and craftsmen; [they also worship] sages, worthies and heroes who loved their country; such worship became the mainstream of folk beliefs throughout history.

These vital contributions of folk beliefs have the power to unite the people, to incite their courage and nourish their moral values. This book appears at a time of rapid change and the import of foreign culture, during which the Chinese people continue some of their ancient customs and beliefs because of their inertia and practical goals. This is an important issue that concerns everyone. Both the good and bad aspects of popular belief continue to exist. Along with the changes of times and the progress of humanity there are still some backward and superstitious forms of activity.

Some of them are changing, some are disappearing and some have been destroyed However, popular beliefs that have long been transmitted throughout history still have a social foundation.

To issue orders to prohibit them is not a wise policy; just like other attempts to wipe out religion, it will not succeed. Popular beliefs were produced by the bad conditions of primitive society. In those times people were overcome by powerful natural forces they could not resist.

The best they could do was to imagine that the objects of their belief could support their lives The superstitious and backward beliefs that still exist today continue to exist because of natural and human disasters that people are not able to deal with Only when ideal economic, social, educational and scientific conditions develop, From "Feudal Superstition" to "Popular Beliefs" when people actually experience the blessings of Heaven in the world, will backward beliefs and all forms of religion extinguish themselves.

This new book is a guide for our study of popular beliefs. Only when we understand and recognize them can we hasten the change of [popular] customs, so as to benefit the establishing of our modern civilization. Following the table of contents is an introduction by the author, which says that the focus of the book is on a form of belief that is the background of worship in Chinese monasteries, temples and [Daoist] guan, "beliefs that are outside collective worship in mosques and churches, which are the beliefs of the majority of ordinary people, based on the family, lineage and village, transmitted down through the centuries The beliefs of the fifty-six different peoples of China have indeed had an extremely important part in the history of Chinese culture Professor Wu then proceeds to define his topic by what it is not, by the shi da meiyou "the ten big [characteristics] it does not have," all of which accept an originally Western concept of religion as normative.

In sum, these supposed "lacks" are listed as follows: Popular beliefs do not have congregations and the definite organization and structure of religion. Do not have a supreme object of worship.

Do not have founders and masters with supreme authority. Do not form sects zongpai. Do not have complete philosophical theory. Do not have specialized clergy in control. Do not have rules and regulations. Do not have specific ritual clothing and implements. Do not have definite places of worship like temples and churches. Do not have a religious consciousness that followers are aware of.

Though Chinese popular religion does not need to be justified according to such an outside standard, in fact all of these points are incorrect, due not only to the author's perspective, but to his lack of attention to the social organization and ritual traditions of local religion.

Of course, his focus on objects of worship and belief itself already violates the social and ritual context and functions of local religion. In the world of popular religion there are at least functional analogues to all the characteristics he lists, or outright parallels, such as sects and temples.

The analogue to "philosophical theory" is the implicit view of the world as orderly, composed of interacting modes of qi. Overmyer of polytheism that has long developed of its own accord.

It continues to preserve its relationship with Daoism and Buddhism, but has no possibility of religious development. He says that Chinese popular beliefs are an ancient remnant that will always have a traditional form.

Though it is a remnant, it is a very important remnant, which has had a deep and lasting influence on the culture of the Chinese people. Through investigating it we can see how it has supported the daily life of the Chinese common people through beliefs [in objects that] transcend human power. Chinese popular beliefs have never enjoyed official recognition and religious freedom, but they have never lost their own basic characteristics of self-development, naturalness and independence.

This preface ends with an affirmation of the mutual influence of the popular religion of the Han and minority peoples pp.

The author goes on to say that the special characteristics of popular beliefs are first that they are multiple and syncretic, with many deities, which is "an important difference from the religious traditions of Europe" p.

Second, such beliefs are practical, concerned to seek aid from the gods, praying that they will bestow blessings and drive away disasters, dispel illness and send down good fortune. The people believe that if their hearts are sincere their worship will bring results, so they emphasize vows and thanks to the gods.

Thus, their worship has its reasons, because each god has its special function and ability, such as women worshipping Guanyin when they seek sons, etc. So, people worship deities that support their occupations, and everyone worships the god of wealth. Here again Chinese religion is disparaged in deference to a foreign tradition. In general these Chinese scholars seem completely unaware of studies of popular religion in the west, of cults of saints and of folk Christianity.

Hence, they compare the actual practice of religion in China with the most idealized theories of the West. The third special characteristic of popular beliefs is described as their emphasis on sorcery wushu — "seeking extra-human magical power" through divination, spirit-writing, incantations, following taboos, contact with the spirits of the dead, etc.

The author continues by commenting that "confused and unorganized popular beliefs" should not be studied with the "ordinary theories of the study of religion," but goes on to say that such beliefs are "the foundation and source of the development of the cultural history of the many peoples of China; they are an encyclopedia of the lively activities of this culture, a treasure created and transmitted by the ancestors of these people.

This is because all methods that cut off history will receive the merciless punishment of history! This profound ambivalence runs through most of these studies that I have read; these scholars are caught between appreciation of the role of popular religion in Chinese culture, and decades or centuries of ignoring or denigrating that role by intellectuals and the state.

The method of discussion in Wu Bingan's book, for each topic, is to first cite an early text concerning it, then jump ahead hundreds or thousands of years to note evidence from the traditions of modern minority peoples. The practices of the Han people are only rarely noted; there is no discussion of rituals, and not much detail is provided. Thus, for example, the discussion of Tian, "Heaven" begins with a citation from the Mozi 4th cen.

For river deities the discussion jumps from the Shanhai jing and Chuci to evidence from minority groups all over China pp. There are eight lines about City God worship among the Han, but the illustration is from the Korean nationality! Spirit-mediums are accurately described, beginning with a quote from the Guoyu, but in twenty-three pages of discussion the only evidence is from minority peoples pp.

This absence of evidence from Han practices is a serious weakness in this book. I presume it is due to both the author's interests and fieldwork, and to the fact that it has been politically more acceptable to discuss such traditions among the minorities. Nonetheless, this pattern really invalidates the title of the book, because it means that many of the traditions of the ethnic majority are not discussed.

The exception to this pattern is discussions of important deities like Dizang, Guangong, Jigong and Mazu, all of which are described as just Chinese pp.

On pages there is a good summary of five different theories about the origin of Mazu. Professor Wu concludes the book by re-affirming the similarities and mutual influence of the popular beliefs of the Han and minority peoples, emphasizing that these beliefs " At different levels [these beliefs] will continue to develop for a very long time. The history of the culture of Chinese popular beliefs will not end just like that" pp.

sex and the city quotes most important relationship in feudalism

I agree, though of course what is missing here is any knowledge of the continuation, revival and adaptation to modernity of popular customs in the Chinese-speaking world outside the mainland. Wu Bingan's neglect of Han traditions is not so for the book edited by Xu Jieshun, which is entirely devoted to them, his Hanzu minjian fengsn "Popular 1 1 8 Daniel L.

Overmyer Customs of the Han People," a page book published in In this book popular beliefs minjian xinyang are discussed as an integral part of a wide range of popular customs, along with those related to birth, food, dwellings, marriage, funerals and burials, annual festivals, entertainment, and standards of polite behaviour and ceremonies. Despite the occasional use of the term "superstition," his discussion is basically objective and neutral, except for that of spirit-mediums and spirit-possession, which is headed "Sorcery involving faking gods and manipulating ghostly speech" p.

The table of contents of this book contains about entries in eight chapters, each with sub-sections, concerning popular customs of crafts and occupations, clothing, food, dwellings and travel, entertainment, annual festivals, marriage and funerals, birth, childraising and increasing lifespan, social relationships and beliefs and taboos.

Twenty-two types of taboos are listed, related to clothing, food, dwellings, names of persons, travel, age, human relationships, speech, medicine, sex, women, farming, the seasons, handicrafts, business, drama, ancestral spirits, animals, plants, celestial phenomena, etc. Lots of interesting information here. No references or bibliography are provided in the book.

The editor has published several other books on Chinese customs. The preface of this book comments that popular customs are a "fascinating realm" from which we can understand the general situation of the culture and society of a people. The customs of the Han are abundant and many hued, with many local variations. They have absorbed much influence from minority peoples in China as well as from outside cultures. This contradiction is not discussed. The preface resumes by saying that there are "some who do not have a complete understanding of these Han customs, and so do not distinguish the good from the bad, and hence deny them all.

Our purpose in writing this book is to distinguish the good from the bad, to transmit those that are good and healthy and resist those that are bad and [based on] feudal superstition, so that all together can change and improve customs Some of the customs introduced in this book are strongly colored by feudal superstition, but for the sake of preserving the completeness of the material we have not deleted or From "Feudal Superstition " to "Popular Beliefs " abridged" pp.

The approach of this book is retrospective, with an emphasis on "old customs" that were practiced in the past, but on the whole for a book of its type it provides a remarkably detailed and balanced description of such customs.

Most of the discussions contain no critical comments at all, and even when the term "superstition" is used, the description itself is accurate.

So there are discussions of festival rituals for patron deities of crafts, noting that they stimulated much economic activity pp. In the old days, every shop had a wealth god shrine for protection and to promote good business" p.

New Year rituals for such deities are described in some detail, noting that tea and snacks were provided when shops were first opened, with the first customer being treated as the Wealth God himself. This same pattern of detailed and objective discussion is used throughout the book for such topics as protective deities of the household and village; " There is a similar discussion oifengshui pp.

But there are some problems; the latest date mentioned for City Gods is the Qing Kangxi periodthe discussion of the Jade Emperor is based on The Journey to the West pp. Section 4, paragraph 11 last paragraph Variant translation: Workers of the world, unite! The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte [ edit ] Hegel remarks somewhere that all great world-historic facts and personages appear, so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: Der 18te Brumaire des Louis Napoleon — Full text online.

sex and the city quotes most important relationship in feudalism

Hegel remarks somewhere that all great world-historic facts and personages appear, so to speak, twice. This has been compared to Horace Walpole 's statement: Hegel remarks somewhere that all facts and personages of great importance in world history occur, as it were, twice. Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past.

The tradition of all dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living. And just as they seem to be occupied with revolutionizing themselves and things, creating something that did not exist before, precisely in such epochs of revolutionary crisis they anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past to their service, borrowing from them names, battle slogans, and costumes in order to present this new scene in world history in time-honored disguise and borrowed language.

Thus Luther put on the mask of the Apostle Paulthe Revolution of draped itself alternately in the guise of the Roman Republic and the Roman Empire, and the Revolution of knew nothing better to do than to parody, nownow the revolutionary tradition of In like manner, the beginner who has learned a new language always translates it back into his mother tongue, but he assimilates the spirit of the new language and expresses himself freely in it only when he moves in it without recalling the old and when he forgets his native tongue.

When we think about this conjuring up of the dead of world history, a salient difference reveals itself. Camille DesmoulinsDantonRobespierreSt. JustNapoleonthe heroes as well as the parties and the masses of the old French Revolution, performed the task of their time — that of unchaining and establishing modern bourgeois society — in Roman costumes and with Roman phrases. The most developed machinery thus forces the worker to work longer than the savage does, or than he himself did with the simplest, crudest tools.

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The industrial peak of a people when its main concern is not yet gain, but rather to gain. Consumption is also immediately production, just as in nature the consumption of the elements and chemical substances is the production of the plant. No production without a need. But consumption reproduces the need. The object of art — like every other product — creates a public which is sensitive to art and enjoys beauty. The individual produces an object and, by consuming it, returns to himself, but returns as a productive and self reproducing individual.

Consumption thus appears as a moment of production. But there is a devil of a difference between barbarians who are fit by nature to be used for anything, and civilized people who apply them selves to everything. All mythology overcomes and dominates and shapes the forces of nature in the imagination and by the imagination; it therefore vanishes with the advent of real mastery over them. Or the Iliad with the printing pressnot to mention the printing machine? Do not the song and saga of the muse necessarily come to an end with the printer's bar, hence do not the necessary conditions of epic poetry vanish?

A man cannot become a child again, or he becomes childish. What's sauce for the gander is sauce for the goose.

Supply and demand constantly determine the prices of commodities; never balance, or only coincidentally; but the cost of production, for its part, determines the oscillations of supply and demand. Notebook I, The Chapter on Money, p. The unity is brought about by force. Each pursues his private interest and only his private interest; and thereby serves the private interests of all, the general interest, without willing it or knowing it. The real point is not that each individual's pursuit of his private interest promotes the totality of private interests, the general interest.

One could just as well deduce from this abstract phrase that each individual reciprocally blocks the assertion of the others' interests, so that, instead of a general affirmation, this war of all against all produces a general negation. Ideas do not exist separately from language. Money does not arise by convention, any more than the state does. It arises out of exchange, and arises naturally out of exchange; it is a product of the same.

Money appears as measure in Homer, e. But it cannot be its own or its own standard of comparison. The circulation of commodities is the original precondition of the circulation of money. Since labour is motion, time is its natural measure. Exchange value forms the substance of money, and exchange value is wealth.

Money is therefore not only the object but also the fountainhead of greed. In fact of course, this 'productive' worker cares as much about the crappy shit he has to make as does the capitalist himself who employs him, and who also couldn't give a damn for the junk. Surplus value is exactly equal to surplus labour ; the increase of the one [is] exactly measured by the diminution of necessary labour.

sex and the city quotes most important relationship in feudalism

Capitals accumulate faster than the population; thus wages ; thus population; thus grain prices; thus the difficulty of production and hence the exchange values.

The devil take this wrong arithmetic. An increase in the productivity of labour means nothing more than that the same capital creates the same value with less labour, or that less labour creates the same product with more capital. Luxury is the opposite of the naturally necessary.

Notebook V, The Chapter on Capital, p. Although usury is itself a form of credit in its bourgeoisified form, the form adapted to capital, in its pre-bourgeois form it is rather the expression of the lack of credit. The circulation of capital realizes value, while living labour creates value.

sex and the city quotes most important relationship in feudalism

Something that is merely negative creates nothing. Money is itself a product of circulation.

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Any society does not consist of individuals but expresses the sum of relationships [and] conditions that the individual actor is forming.

Beauty is the main positive form of the aesthetic assimilation of reality, in which aesthetic ideal finds it direct expression About Beauty Die Natur baut keine Maschinen, keine Lokomotiven, Eisenbahnen, electric telegraphs, selfacting mules etc.

Nature builds no machines, no locomotives, railways, electric telegraphs, self-acting mules etc. Which is fine, but it's also total horse manure. So what's it actually like, when you don't mate assortatively? Emily Wyndham married her husband 11 years ago this week. They met at Oxford University. Not anywhere nice — it was in a crap industrial coastal town they forgot to close down.

In doing so, they made quite a lot of money — enough to send us to private school — so we were the first generation of our family to go to university. He's always very keenly been aware of his position in life, and always very keenly felt he was working class, and wanted to assimilate himself to become middle class. He reads the Telegraph; he's voted Tory for years and years. Three of my closest friends had been to comps; we were all pretty much lower middle class, all from quite similar backgrounds.

I think quite early on in our relationship he went off shooting. It was like he'd moved to another world that I hadn't known existed. This is way outside anything I've ever experienced. I smoked at the time. Generally, I got the impression that I was being looked up and down and found rather wanting.

But, in my favour, his sister was going out with someone who was even more low-class than me. They wanted him to marry someone who had grown up around the corner, whose parents they knew and of whom they approved. They attached no value at all to academic prowess.

And also, I think they just slightly thought that I was a little bit too loud — not the quietly understated, elegant person that would fit into their quietly understated, elegant lifestyle.

My parents were sending out invitations, but they were on their uppers because their business had gone to pot. The invitations had to come from them. And there were all these titles, and they'd been told his aged aunt would only open invitations that were correctly addressed. My mum was very much, 'They'll just have to take us as they find us.

The wedding sounds very stressful: I wonder why she didn't put it off a bit longer. And Tom was not that bothered about class — he couldn't have married anybody who was a class warrior, who thought everything he stood for was awful.

He had to feel that he could be himself, and he did, and so did I. In purely class terms, the decision about secondary school will be major. If they go to the state school, they will very obviously be different from their grandparents and even from their parents. I don't want them to grow up feeling completely divorced from their grandparents and their cousins.

Although, of course, they're already divorced from my father's side.

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Previously, she was married to Simon, whom she met while he was serving nine years in prison for armed robbery. It was just this terrible secret.

I like people who work the land. It's just life on a more basic level. I think that, because of his working-class roots, when he went up for jobs, he didn't really believe he should get them.