20th-century international relations | misjon.info
Foreign Relations of the United States, , Germany and Austria, Volume II . Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC), relations with, Philippines, ; Poland (see also under London Conference on Germany). 6 days ago application form, completed and signed (available only in German on the certificate giving evidence of relationship to another individual;. The relation between Germany and the Philippines remains strong and positive. On April 25, an agreement was signed which led to a dynamic.
In sum, the decades after did not sustain the liberal progress of the s. Resistance to political reform in the empires, a retreat from free trade afterthe growth of labour unions, revolutionary socialismand social tensions attending demographic and industrial growth all affected the foreign policies of the great powers.
Patterns of population European demographic and industrial growth in the 19th century was frantic and uneven, and both qualities contributed to growing misperceptions and paranoia in international affairs.
European population grew at the rate of 1 percent per year in the century afteran increase that would have been disastrous had it not been for the outlet of emigration and the new prospects of employment in the rapidly expanding cities. When the French Revolution unleashed this national power through rationalized central administration, meritocracyand a national draft based on patriotism, it achieved unprecedented organization of force in the form of armies of millions of men.
The French tide receded, at the cost of more than a million deaths from tonever to crest again. Should Russia ever succeed in modernizing, she would become a colossus out of all proportion to the European continent. Population pressure was a double-edged sword dangling out of reach above the heads of European governments in the 19th century.
On the one hand, fertility meant a growing labour force and potentially a larger army. On the other hand, it threatened social discord if economic growth or external safety valves could not relieve the pressure. The United Kingdom adjusted through urban industrialization on the one hand and emigration to the United States and the British dominions on the other.
France had no such pressure but was forced to draft a higher percentage of its manpower to fill the army ranks. Russia exported perhaps 10 million excess people to its eastern and southern frontiers and several million more mostly Poles and Jews overseas. Germany, too, sent large numbers abroad, and no nation provided more new industrial employment from to Industry, technology, and trade Industrial trends magnified the demographic, for here again Germany was far and away the fastest growing economic power on the Continent.
This was so not only in the basic industries of coal and iron and steel but also in the advanced fields of electricity, chemicals, and internal combustion.
By the end of the century Germany had become a highly urbanized, industrial society, complete with large, differentiated middle and factory proletariat classes, but it was still governed largely by precapitalist aristocrats increasingly threatened by demands for political reform.
Industrialization also made possible the outfitting and supply of mass armies drawn from the growing populations. After the monarchies of Europe had shied away from arming the masses in the French revolutionary fashion, and the events of further justified their fear of an armed citizenry.
But in the reserve system Prussia found a means of making possible a rapid mobilization of the citizenry without the risk to the regime or the elite officer corps posed by a large standing, and idle, army. In Austria-Hungary the crown avoided disloyalty in the army by stationing soldiers of one ethnic group on the soil of another. The final contribution to the revolution in warfare was planned research and development of weapons systems.
The demographic, technical, and managerial revolutions of the 19th century, in sum, made possible the mobilization of entire populations and economies for the waging of war. The home of the Industrial Revolution was Great Britainwhose priority in the techniques of the factory system and of steam power was the foundation for a period of calm confidence known with some exaggeration as the Pax Britannica.
The pound sterling became the preferred reserve currency of the world and the Bank of England the hub of international finance. British textilesmachinery, and shipping dominated the markets of AsiaSouth Americaand much of Europe. But that hegemony very naturally impelled other nations somehow to catch up, in the short term by imposing protective tariffs to shield domestic industries and in the longer term by granting government subsidies for railroads and other national development work and the gradual replication of British techniques.
FrancePrussiaand other countries then reversed earlier policies and followed the British into free trade. In the depression of —96 actually years of slower, uneven growth industrial and labour leaders formed cartels, unions, and lobbies to agitate for tariffs and other forms of state intervention to stabilize the economy. Bismarck resisted until European agriculture also suffered from falling prices and lost markets after owing to the arrival in European ports of North American cereals.
In the so-called alliance of rye and steel voted a German tariff on foreign manufactured goods and foodstuffs. Free trade gave way to an era of neo- mercantilism. France, Austria, Italy, and Russia followed the new or revived trend toward tariff protection. After the volume of world trade rose sharply again, but the sense of heightened economic competition persisted in Europe. Social rifts also hardened during the period. Conservative circles, farmers as well as the wealthier classes, came gradually to distrust the loyalty of the urban working class, but industrialists shared few other interests with farmers.
Other countries faced similar divisions between town and country, but urbanization was not advanced enough in Russia or France for socialism to acquire a mass following, while in Britain agriculture had long since lost out to the commercial and industrial classes, and working-class participation in democratic politics was on the rise male suffrage was still dependent upon property qualiifications, but the Second Reform Act  had extended the vote to many workingmen in the towns and cities.
The social divisions attending industrialization were especially acute in Germany because of the rapidity of her development and the survival of powerful precapitalist elites. Moreover, the German working class, while increasingly unionized, had few legal means of affecting state policy. The foreign counterpart to this phenomenon was the New Imperialism.
The great powers of Europe suddenly shook off almost a century of apathy toward overseas colonies and, in the space of 20 years, partitioned almost the entire uncolonized portion of the globe. Only Britain and France were capital-exporting countries inand in years to come their investors preferred to export capital to other European countries especially Russia or the Western Hemisphere rather than to their own colonies.
The British remained free-trade throughout the era of the New Imperialism, a booming home economy absorbed most German capital, and Italy and Russia were large net importers of capital.
Once the scramble for colonies was complete, pressure groups did form in the various countries to argue the economic promise of imperialism, but just as often governments had to foster colonial development. In most cases, trade did not lead but followed the flag.
Why, then, was the flag planted in the first place? Sometimes it was to protect economic interests, as when the British occupied Egypt inbut more often it was for strategic reasons or in pursuit of national prestige. One necessary condition for the New Imperialism, often overlooked, is technological. Prior to the s Europeans could overawe native peoples along the coasts of Africa and Asia but lacked the firepower, mobility, and communications that would have been needed to pacify the interior.
India was the exception, where the British East India Company exploited an anarchic situation and allied itself with selected native rulers against others. The tsetse fly and the Anopheles mosquito —bearers of sleeping sickness and malaria —were the ultimate defenders of African and Asian jungles. The correlation of forces between Europe and the colonizable world shifted, however, with the invention of shallow-draft riverboats, the steamship and telegraphthe repeater rifle and Maxim gunand the discovery in India that quinine is an effective prophylactic against malaria.
By small groups of European regulars, armed with modern weapons and exercising fire disciplinecould overwhelm many times their number of native troops. The scramble for Africa should be dated not fromwhen the British occupied Egypt, but from the opening of the Suez Canal in The strategic importance of that waterway cannot be overstated.
It was the gateway to India and East Asia and hence a vital interest nonpareil for the British Empire. Prime Minister William Ewart Gladstoneotherwise an adamant anticolonialist, then established a British protectorate in Egypt. When the French reacted bitterly, Bismarck further encouraged French colonial expansion in hopes of distracting them from Europe, and he then took his own country into the fray by claiming four large segments of Africa for Germany in In that year the king of the Belgians cast his eye on the entire Congo basin.
The Berlin West Africa Conference of —85 was called to settle a variety of disputes involved in European colonial occupation, and over the next 10 years all the great powers of Europe save Austria and Russia staked out colonies and protectorates on the African continent.
But whatever the ambitions and rivalries of military adventurers, explorers, and private empire builders on the scene, the cabinets of Europe came to agreements on colonial boundaries with surprising neighbourliness.
Colonial wars did ensue afterbut never between two European colonial powers. It has been suggested that imperial rivalries were a long-range cause of World War I. It has also been said that they were a safety valve, drawing off European energies that might otherwise have erupted in war much sooner.
But the links between imperialism and the war are more subtle. The heyday of the New Imperialism, especially aftercreated a tacit understanding in the European elites and the broad literate classes that the days of the old European balance of power were over, that a new world order was dawning, and that any nation left behind in the pursuit of world power would sink into obscurity. This intuition must surely have fed a growing sense of desperation among Germans, and one of paranoia among Britons, about trends in global politics.
A second point, subtler still, is that the New Imperialism, while it did not directly provoke World War I, did occasion a transformation of alliances that proved dangerous beyond reckoning once the great powers turned their attention back to Europe.
Charles Darwin published The Origin of Species inand within a decade popularizers had applied—or misapplied—his theories of natural selection and survival of the fittest to contemporary politics and economics.
This pseudoscientific social Darwinism appealed to educated Europeans already demoralized by a century of higher criticism of religious scripture and conscious of the competitiveness of their own daily lives in that age of freewheeling industrial capitalism.
Pan-Slavic literature extolled the youthful vigour of that race, of whom Russia was seen as the natural leader. Bytherefore, the political and moral restraints on war that had arisen after — were significantly weakened.
The old conservative notion that established governments had a heavy stake in peace lest revolution engulf them, and the old liberal notion that national unity, democracyand free trade would spread harmony, were all but dead.
The historian cannot judge how much social Darwinism influenced specific policy decisions, but a mood of fatalism and bellicosity surely eroded the collective will to peace.
Where Bismarck sought alliances to avoid the risk of war on two fronts, the kaiser and his chief foreign policy official, Baron von Holstein believed Germany should capitalize on the colonial quarrels among France, Britain, and Russia. Where Bismarck had outlawed the socialists and feared for the old order in Germany, the kaiser permitted the antisocialist laws to lapse and believed he could win over the working class through prosperity, social policy, and national glory.
The consequences of the new course were immediate and damaging. Petersburg to overcome its antipathy to republican France and conclude a military alliance in The tie was sealed with a golden braid: Russia hoped mainly for French support in its colonial disputes with the British Empire and even went so far as to agree with Austria-Hungary in to hold the question of the Balkans in abeyance for 10 years, thereby freeing resources for the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railroad and the penetration of northern China.
The German foreign office thus did not take alarm at the alliance Bismarck had struggled so long to prevent. The Sino-Japanese War of —95 signaled the arrival of Japan on the world stage. Having seen their nation forcibly opened to foreign influence by Commodore Matthew C. Once the Meiji Restoration established strong central government beginning inJapan became the first non-Western state to launch a crash program of industrialization.
By the s its modern army and navy permitted Japan to take its place beside the Europeans as an imperial power. European intervention scaled back these gains, but a scramble for concessions in China eventuated. The loser in the scramble, besides China, was Britain, which had previously enjoyed a near monopoly in the China trade. Germany abandoned her long apathy toward the Middle East and won a concession for Turkish railroads. The kaiser, influenced by his envy of Britain, his own fondness for seafaring, and the worldwide impact of The Influence of Sea Power upon History by the American naval scholar Captain Alfred Thayer Mahandetermined that Weltpolitik was impossible without a great High Seas Fleet.
The prospect of a large German navy—next to the growing fleets of France, Russia, Japan, and the United States—meant that Britain would no longer rule the waves alone. Naval Academy Museum The dawn of the 20th century was thus a time of anxiety for the British Empire as well.
Challenged for the first time by the commercial, naval, and colonial might of many other industrializing nations, the British reconsidered the wisdom of splendid isolation. To be sure, in the Fashoda Incident of Britain succeeded in forcing France to retreat from the upper reaches of the Nile. But how much longer could Britain defend her empire alone?
Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain began at once to sound out Berlin on the prospect of global collaboration. A British demarche was precisely what the Germans had been expecting, but three attempts to reach an Anglo-German understanding, between andled to naught. In retrospect, it is hard to see how it could have been otherwise.
What Britain sought was German help in reducing Franco-Russian pressure on the British Empire and defending the balance of power. What Germany sought was British neutrality or cooperation while Germany expanded its own power in the world. The failure of the Anglo-German talks condemned both powers to dangerous competition. The German navy could never hope to equal the British and would only ensure British hostility.
But equality was not necessary, said Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz. In this way Germany could extract concessions from London without alliance or war. What the Germans failed to consider was that Britain might someday come to terms with its other antagonists. This was precisely what Britain did.
Foreign relations of Austria
The new German navy menaced Britain in her home waters. Soon the Panama Canal would enable the United States to deploy a two-ocean navy.
He then shocked the world by concluding a military alliance with Japan, thereby securing British interests in East Asia and allowing the empire to concentrate its regional forces on India. To prevent being dragged into the conflict, the French and British shucked off their ancient rivalry and concluded an Entente Cordiale whereby France gave up opposition to British rule in Egyptand Britain recognized French rights in Morocco.I’m FILIPINA MARRIED TO GERMAN - HOW WE GOT MARRIED IN PHILIPPINES - FRV APPLICATION- OWN EXPERIENCE
Though strictly a colonial arrangement, it marked another step away from isolation for both Britain and France and another step toward it for the restless and frustrated Germans.
The Russo-Japanese War of —05 was an ominous turning point. Contrary to all expectations, Japan triumphed on land and sea, and Russia stumbled into the Revolution of President Theodore Roosevelt mediated the Treaty of Portsmouth ending the war, and the tsar quelled the revolutionary flames with promises of parliamentary government, but the war resonated in world diplomacy.
Austria–Germany relations - Wikipedia
Japan established itself as the leading Asian power. The example of an Oriental nation rising up to defeat a European great power emboldened Chinese, Indians, and Arabs to look forward to a day when they might expel the imperialists from their midst.
And tsarist Russia, its Asian adventure a shambles, looked once again to the Balkans as a field for expansion, setting the stage for World War I. But at the Algeciras Conference incalled to settle the Morocco dispute, only Austria-Hungary supported the German position. Far from breaking the Entente Cordiale, the affair prompted the British to begin secret staff talks with the French military. For some years Italian ambitions in the Mediterranean had been thwarted, and the attempt to conquer Abyssinia in had failed.
So in Italy concluded a secret agreement pledging support for France in Morocco in return for French support of Italy in Libya.
Finally, and most critically, the defeated Russians and worried British were now willing to put to rest their old rivalry in Central Asia. Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey also hinted at the possibility of British support for Russian policy in the Balkans, reversing a century-old tradition. The heyday of European imperialism thus called into existence a second alliance system, the Triple Entente of France, Britain, and Russia.
It was not originally conceived as a balance to German power, but that was its effect, especially in light of the escalating naval race. In the Royal Navy under the reformer Sir John Fisher launched HMS Dreadnoughta battleship whose size, armour, speed, and gunnery rendered all existing warships obsolete. The German government responded in kind, even enlarging the Kiel Canal at great expense to accommodate the larger ships. What were the British, dependent on imports by sea for seven-eighths of their raw materials and over half their foodstuffs, to make of German behaviour?
Austria-Hungary then turned its imperial ambitions to the Balkan Peninsula ; whereas the German Empire focused on building armaments in a race against the United Kingdom Britain and Ireland. In the s, Austria-Hungary's ambition of turning Serbia into its protectorate facilitated the Assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinandheir to Austria-Hungary's throne.
When Austria-Hungary stirred up excuses for a war First World War against Serbia, Germany, claiming the Alliance's terms of passive military defence instead of downright aggression, reluctantly entered the war on Austria-Hungary's side. Both Germany and Austria became republics and were heavily punished in the Treaty of Versailles and Treaty of St.
The vast majority in both countries wanted unification with Germany now the Weimar Republic into a Greater German nation, but this was strictly forbidden by the Treaty of Versailles to avoid a dominant German state.
On 1 Septemberthe Weimar Republic and Austria concluded an economic agreement. After Austrian-born Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany inhe demanded the right to Anschluss union between Austria and Germany. Mussolini successfully forced Hitler to renounce all claims to Austria on 11 July Anschluss[ edit ] AfterHitler and Mussolini forged a closer relationship in preparation for Germany's expansionist ambitions.
Hitler used the Nazi Party of Austria to influence public opinions and staged a coup against the Austrian Fascist government in When Hitler decided to refrain from reclaiming South Tyrol, Mussolini abandoned his pledge to protect Austria's independence. Subsequently, the Anschluss of the Third German Reich and Germany-Austria occurred inreuniting both countries for the first time since the s. Austria became Ostmark Eastern Region under Hitler's regime. A provisional Austrian government, led by Karl Rennerdeclared the country's regained independence.
Austria's democratic constitution was reinstated and elections in late paved the way for a new federal government. Leopold Figl became the first Chancellor of Austria. Germany, however, was occupied by the Allied Powers and divided into four governing zones: British, French, American and the Soviet.
After the Second World Warthere has been no serious effort among the citizens or political parties to unite Germany and Austria. In addition, the Austrian State Treaty forbids such a union and the constitution required Austria's neutrality.