Milestones: – - Office of the Historian
Yugoslavia was a country in Southeastern and Central Europe for most of the 20th century. The six constituent republics that made up the SFRY were the SR Bosnia and . relationship between the two Communist countries, and enable Yugoslavia to start a civil war in Greece and use Albania and Bulgaria as bases. It also asserts that the pattern observed in Kosovo and before that in Bosnia, .. The Yugoslav constitution of changed the relationship of Kosovo to Serbia. Serbia has a particularly strong relationship with Russia; the two In , Montenegro, Croatia, Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina were in.
However, by the end of the nineteenth century, the dividing lines that would lead to the most recent conflict in the region were drawn. In NovemberSerbian and Montenegran forces invaded Kosovo. Simultaneous with that invasion, an independent Albania was declared, which helped foster a nationalist movement in Kosovo.
From the Albanian perspective, the imposition of Serbian-Montenegrin rule was part of a history of colonial conquest; from the Serb perspective, however, this represented "the ultimate example of a war of liberation to release a captive population the Serbs of Kosovo from an alien imperial power Turkey.
However, the Serb government sought to codify its version and make it the dominant and accepted one. Kosovo lies in the southern part of Serbia, bordering both Macedonia and Montenegro. It is an area that is relatively homogeneous ethnically; 90 percent of the population is ethnic Albanian and heavily Muslim, although some are Catholic or Orthodox. Despite attempts at various points to increase the number of Serbs in Kosovo, the percentage of the Serb population has remained at about 10 percent.
Bythe unemployment level in Kosovo was the highest in the country with a significant ethnic imbalance in place among those who were employed: Yet, despite the history, NATO was unprepared for the conflict when it did finally break out. Inat the end of World War II, there were discussions among senior Communist leaders in Yugoslavia about which of the federal units Kosovo should be part of: Montenegro, Macedonia or Serbia. At that time, one of Tito's senior advisors noted that "The best solution would be if Kosovo were to be united with Albania, but because neither foreign nor domestic factors favour this, it must remain a compact province within the framework of Serbia.
Bosnian conflict | Facts, Summary, & War Crimes | misjon.info
One year later, Serbia issued its own constitution which gave "autonomous" Kosovo the right to direct its own economic and cultural developments, prepare its own budget, assure the protection of its citizens, etc.
These autonomous powers were "secured by the constitution of the People's Republic of Serbia, in agreement with the constitution of the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia. This constitution stated that any of the republics could form autonomous provinces, and that the autonomous provinces of Serbia, including Kosovo, were created by the Serbian Assembly.
In effect, what the constitution did was abrogate responsibility for the autonomous provinces at the federal level and place the responsibility with the republics. Hence, the status of Kosovo became a function of the internal arrangements of Serbia.
The next change came in when a movement toward decentralization throughout Yugoslavia altered the status of the autonomous provinces. InTito made his first visit to Kosovo in 16 years and publicly criticized what he saw there including the obvious preferences given to the Serbs, and the discrimination against the Albanians.
This was followed in by the redefinition of the autonomous provinces to become "socio-political communities," at which point they were given the right to "carry out all tasks of a republic apart from those tasks which were of concern to the republic of Serbia as a whole.
The next logical step appeared to be the formal creation of the republic of Kosovo. By the creation of the Yugoslav constitution ofthe one that would remain in place until the final break-up of the country, although technically remaining part of Serbia the autonomous provinces of Kosovo and Vojvodina were granted status roughly equal to the republics, including having their own direct representation in the main federal Yugoslav bodies.
The constitution also granted the autonomous provinces the right to issue their own constitutions. According to Noel Malcolm, there were two fundamental reasons, one theoretical and one practical, why the autonomous provinces did not subsequently become republics.
The theoretical objection was tied to the belief that nationalities are not equal to nations, and therefore cannot hold sovereign rights. But it was the practical political considerations that were the primary factors behind denying republican status to Kosovo.
The fear was that a Kosovo Republic ultimately would secede from Yugoslavia and annex itself to Albania. Even if republic status had been granted, it is unclear whether Kosovo would have wanted to become part of Albania, which at that time was suffering from miserable economic conditions as well, and where religion was being formally and systematically suppressed.
Nonetheless, by the end of the s the stage was set for what would become part of the underlying issues affecting Kosovo province today. In March and Aprildemonstrations broke out throughout Kosovo. The protestors demanded better conditions as well as the release of students at the University of Pristina who had been jailed for starting the demonstrations. Within the course of days, special security police were brought in from throughout Yugoslavia and a state of emergency was declared.
A concerned Yugoslav government suppressed information about the demonstrations, and arrested hundreds in connection with the them. The exact number who died as a result of the clashes is uncertain; however, it is known that more than 2, were arrested.
One of the most damaging effects of the events was that it started a new round of accusations and counter-accusations about both Albanian and Serb nationalism. The issues of Serb and Albanian nationalism in Kosovo continued to flare up for years thereafter.
By the mids, more and more sensationalist arguments were starting to appear on both sides of the issue. A "Memorandum" initially written in and published in its entirety in continued to fuel the issue.
This memorandum stated that the constitution of Yugoslavia had carved Serbia into three parts, and then went on to state that "The relations between Serbia and the autonomous provinces cannot be reduced, either solely or mainly, to formal or juridical questions about the interpretation of constitutions. It is a matter above all of the Serbian people and their state. In retrospect, "this Memorandum has been set in retrospect as a virtual manifesto for the 'Greater Serbian' policies pursued by Belgrade in the s.
Bythe Serbian assembly was preparing amendments to the Serbian constitution that would severely restrict Kosovo's powers. The proposed amendments would give Serbia control over Kosovo's police, courts and civil defense as well as such matters as education, social and economic policy, and the choice of an official language, in contradiction to what had been stated in the constitutions of and Under the existing constitution, amendments could be proposed by Serbia but had to be approved by the Kosovo assembly.
More demonstrations followed as it became apparent that, if the amendments were approved, autonomy for Kosovo would end. Serb troops were sent into Kosovo, a state of emergency was declared and a major crackdown started. The provincial assembly of Kosovo met on 23 Marchsurrounded by tanks and armored cars; members of the security police mingled with the delegates who passed the amendments, although without the two-thirds majority required for such changes.
The vote was then affirmed by the Serbian assembly on 28 March. With that, Kosovo's autonomy was virtually eliminated. It is not coincidence that in Juneyears after the Battle of Kosovo, Slobodan Milosevic made his defining speech on Serb nationalism in Kosovo at the "Field of Blackbirds," site of the defeat of the medieval Serbs by the Ottoman empire.
In that speech Milosevic played upon the Serb myth of victimization, previously at the hands of the Ottomans and more recently by Tito's Yugoslavia.
He adopted the slogan that "Serbs win wars, but lose the peace," a reference to the failure of the victorious Allied forces after both world wars to create a Serb state.
And he also used the occasion to foster the belief that the Serbs were being forced once again to leave Kosovo, their historic homeland. New municipalities were created, investment was concentrated in Serb-held areas, houses were built for Serbs who returned to Kosovo, and Albanians were encouraged to seek work in other parts of Yugoslavia.
Under laws passed inAlbanians in Kosovo were forbidden to buy or sell property without obtaining special permission. A wave of other decrees were passed in June including the suppression of the Albanian-language newspaper, the closing of the Kosovo Academy of Arts and Sciences, and the dismissal of thousands of state employees.
In July, the Serbian authorities dissolved both the Kosovo assembly and government, the last vestiges of Kosovo's autonomous status.
Three weeks later, the Serbian assembly passed another law which made possible the subsequent expulsion of more than 80, Albanians from their jobs. In response to these measures, on 7 September many of the Albanian delegates from the Kosovo assembly met in great secrecy and agreed on the proclamation of a constitutional law for a Republic of Kosovo.
This document contained the provision for a new assembly and an elected president. All other laws, including those derived from Serbia and Yugoslavia, were declared valid only if they conformed to the priorities of the new constitution.
In Septemberthe Albanians in Kosovo organized a referendum, also held in secret, to consider a decision to declare Kosovo a sovereign and independent republic. It was claimed that 87 percent of voters took part, and 99 percent of those who voted were in favor. Ibrahim Rugova, a specialist in literary history and president of the Association of Writers of Kosovo as well as the head of the political movement known as the Democratic League of Kosovo LDKwas elected President of the underground Republic of Kosovo.
The basic policy pursued by Rugova and the LDK was three-fold: The last was to be accomplished by the refusal to participate in Serb elections or other "official" acts such as the census, and to create the outlines of a state apparatus for a Kosovo republic.
The second and third are especially contentious and tie directly into the situation that NATO and the leaders of the Western countries had to face, that is, whether the status of Kosovo is an internal question for Serbia or whether it is an international issue that can and should be addressed by powers beyond Serbia.
Bywith the conclusion of the war in neighboring Bosnia, the crisis in Kosovo was continuing and even growing. The Dayton Agreement did not alter the status of Kosovo directly. The only concession that it made to the situation in Kosovo was an agreement by the UN Security Council that the "outer wall" of sanctions against Serbia would remain in place until the human rights abuses in Kosovo were addressed.
However, the Dayton Agreement, coupled with other internal decisions, served to undermine Rugova's position in Kosovo. Byin contradiction to the policies of Rugova and the LDK, more violent forms of direct action were starting to take place including shootings and bomb attacks against Serb officials and institutions. But the conflict, and how to deal with it, put the leaders of Western Europe, the United States and Russia in a position of confrontation once again as well.
Outbreak of Conflict in Kosovo Province: This time the conflict was between the Serbs and the ethnic Albanians. Four policemen were killed in an ambush by members of the KLA which prompted the Serb government to respond by sending out police reinforcements and heavily armed paramilitary units to track down the assailants.
Twenty civilians were shot by policemen who were moving through the area where the guerillas were believed to be operating. Approximately 30, ethnic Albanians marched to protest the killing.
The KLA claimed that they were fighting to create an independent state of Kosovo. According to the rebel leaders, there were armed units throughout Kosovo ready to take up the cause. Sincewhen Kosovo was absorbed into Serbia, Albanian political leaders had engaged in a campaign of civil disobedience to win back Kosovo's autonomy. However, the attacks by the Kosovo Liberation Army, coupled with the undermining of Rugova's position following Dayton helped gain widespread support for more drastic measures.
Many feared, however, that these attacks permitted Belgrade to justify mounting repression in Kosovo. In fact, many Western diplomats at that time correctly feared that Serbian forces might again initiate the types of attacks that occurred during the wars in Croatia and Bosnia. Throughout Marchfighting continued between ethnic Albanians and the Serb police and paramilitary forces.
More than 80 Albanians died during the first ten days of fighting, including women, children and the elderly, and it appeared that a low-intensity conflict was inevitable.
On 9 March, the six member Contact Group, which has oversight responsibility for the former Yugoslavia, met in London to address the situation in the former Yugoslavia, including the situation in Kosovo. At that time, US Secretary of State Albright indicated that she wanted to propose "strong measures" that "would signal the disapproval and condemnation of the international community for this [the Serb] crackdown" on the ethnic Albanians.
However, this proposal met with resistance from other members of the Contact Group, especially Russia which consistently opposed sanctions against the Serbs. Further, other member nations, including Italy and France, were known to be hesitant about another confrontation with Serbia. Although the foreign ministers of the United States, France and Germany did agree on the need for "firm and clear measures" to stop the spread of violence in Kosovo, what those should be remained vague.
The Group, including Russia, did agree that an international force would remain in Macedonia as a deterrent. At that point, many felt that it would be up to Milosevic to determine what to do next, that is, whether he would allow the violence to continue, thereby risking Western action, or authorize a halt to Serb aggression in Kosovo. This pattern of relegating control of the situation to Milosevic would be consistent throughout the conflict with Kosovo.
What is especially important to note here is that the direct use of force was not yet deemed an option. Despite ongoing concerns that Kosovo could become another Bosnia or even spread beyond the borders of Serbia, the first response of the members of the Contact Group was to resort to economic sanctions which, as was seen in the past, were largely ineffective.
Armed clashes were occurring daily, with the death toll at more than people by the end of April, less than two months after the conflict started.
In May, Milosevic agreed to enter into talks with ethnic Albanians in order to try to reach a political settlement of the crisis. Under intense international pressure, the Serb government agreed not to attack civilians and promised to allow foreign monitors, relief workers and journalists full access to the region; however, none of those promises were kept. In response to this apparent good-faith action, the major powers agreed to ease sanctions on Yugoslavia.
By early June, heavy fighting had once again broken out in Kosovo, leading to more deaths and sending hundreds fleeing. The ethnic Albanian leaders withdrew from talks with Milosevic and increased warfare seemed likely.
These exercises were designed as a show of force to warn Milosevic that NATO would take action if the conflict escalated. The situation remained tenuous and unresolved going into the summer of with fighting continuing between Serb forces and Albanian rebels throughout the province. That, however, proved to be untrue as Serb forces continued to shell villages in Kosovo and as European Union envoys and other international monitors found evidence to the contrary.
United Nations officials believed that as of early August, up topeople, or 10 percent of Kosovo's population, might be refugees trying to flee the fighting and brutality. Reports of massacres of ethnic-Albanian civilians prompted NATO to threaten to get involved unless a ceasefire could be agreed to.
NATO once again talked about the need to use force, and, as the alliance did in Bosnia, approved a set of contingency plans for intervention once the political decision was made to go forward.
The announcement was intended, at least in part, to pressure Milosevic to end the offensive against the ethnic Albanians. NATO also asked member states for forces necessary to carry out the threat of air strikes if Serbia did not comply. The United States said that this was the next in a series of steps leading to the use of force should that become necessary. Holbrooke's apparent success in Dayton in resolving the Bosnia conflict made him the person most likely to achieve a peaceful resolution to the conflict.
Under its terms Milosevic agreed to let unarmed foreign observers and NATO reconnaissance flights monitor the withdrawal of Serb forces from Kosovo, thereby saving Serbia from the air strikes already authorized. Milosevic also agreed to local elections in Kosovo as a step toward political stability.
Under OSCE auspices, a Kosovo Verification Mission composed of monitors from 54 member nations would be responsible for assuring compliance with the terms of the agreement. At that time, in an op-ed piece in the New York Times, John Mearsheimer predicted that "The deal arranged by Richard Holbrooke is likely to fail sooner rather than later. The Serbs, however, would only be satisfied if Kosovo remained a province of Serbia and one with limited autonomy. The agreement, which technically gave the ethnic Albanians limited autonomy, did not satisfy either party.
Initially, however, the situation appeared to be positive, or at least it was cast that way publicly. By late October, monitors indicated that Serbia was complying with the terms of the agreement and was withdrawing troops from Kosovo, albeit slowly. Under the agreement, not only was Milosevic told the number of troops to withdraw from the region, but he was given a timetable for doing so. Given Milosevic's compliance, NATO eased its initial demands regarding the number of paramilitary forces that would be permitted to remain in Kosovo.
NATO also agreed to extend indefinitely its "activation order" that authorized the use of force and kept more than war planes on alert. This meant that NATO could order an air strike at any time if Milosevic did not comply with the terms of the agreement.
As of the end of November, the peace deal apparently had been successful in achieving some of its objectives. Aid workers were able to deliver food and medicine, thereby averting a humanitarian catastrophe.
Milosevic had withdrawn several thousand troops, and unarmed observers were in place. But by the end of December, it appeared that the peace agreement was disintegrating as Serb troops and Albanian rebels once again engaged in armed conflict. By early Januaryit was apparent that the ceasefire, that had been imposed in October amid threats of NATO air strikes, was barely holding as Serb police again battled ethnic-Albanian rebels.
What is especially telling is the media coverage of the events in Kosovo when it was apparent that the October truce was failing. It is one of the basic principles of international relations that for a threat to be effective, it must be credible.
U.S. Involvement in Bosnia-Herzegovina
That, in turn, means having both the capability and the will to act. NATO clearly had the capabilities; what it appeared to lack, once again, was the political will to use them.
Once again, the international community was asking not only whether Milosevic had been successful in achieving his own goals in Serbia at the expense of peace or, at least, an end to violence in the region, but also what options would be open legitimately to the Western nations to address the situation.
And questions emerged again about how to implement a ceasefire and whether that meant engaging NATO forces in the Balkans, this time in Kosovo.Pakistani role in the Yugoslavian wars - BOSNIA- ENGLISH
Throughout Januarythe situation in Kosovo continued to deteriorate. In mid-January international monitors discovered the massacre of 45 ethnic Albanians in what seemed to be a prelude to renewed violence.
Despite the ongoing Serb provocation, the Europeans hoped to resolve the conflict by negotiation drawing on a rough autonomy agreement worked out by the US Ambassador to Macedonia, Christopher Hill, who was also a US mediator for Kosovo.
US officials estimated that more thanpeople were forced from their homes since the offensive initially began in February As winter approached, many in the West feared a humanitarian catastrophe unless some action was taken.
In many ways, the EU recognized the potential dangers and acted upon them quickly; by comparison with the United States, the EU provided vast amounts of trade and aid. The United Nations continued to try to get food and other supplies to the thousands driven from their homes in the fighting. These were important measures and needed to be taken. While Washington attempted during the summer of to marshal some limited coordination with its Western allies in case the Yugoslav crisis turned bloody, Western European governments maintained a wait-and-see attitude.
At the same time, inter-republic relations in Yugoslavia spiraled out of control. Slovenia overwhelmingly voted for independence in December A Croatian referendum in May also supported full independence. Secretary of State James Baker traveled to Belgrade to meet with Yugoslav leaders and urge a political solution to no avail.
Slovenia and Croatia both declared formal independence on June 25, The Serb minority in Croatia declared its own independence from the republic and its desire to join Serbia, sparking violence between armed militias. The JNA intervened in the conflict ostensibly to separate the combatants, but it became quickly apparent that it favored the Croatian-Serbs.
The war that followed devastated Croatia, resulting in tens of thousands dead, and hundreds of thousands of people displaced. In Bosnia-Herzegovina, a referendum on independence took place in Marchbut was boycotted by the Serb minority. The republic declared its independence from Yugoslavia in Maywhile the Serbs in Bosnia declared their own areas an independent republic.
Macedonia itself also declared independence following a September referendum, and a U. The three countries joined the United Nations on May 22, Serbia and Montenegro formed a new Federal Republic of Yugoslavia as a successor state to old Yugoslavia, but the international community did not recognize its successor claim. Over the next three years, the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina claimed hundreds of thousands of lives and displaced millions from their homes, as Europe witnessed the most horrific fighting on its territory since the end of World War II.
The era in which we observe other Illyrian kingdoms begins approximately at BC and ends at BC. From the 7th century BC, bronze was replaced by iron, after which only jewelry and art objects were still made out of bronze.
Illyrian tribes, under the influence of Hallstatt cultures to the north, formed regional centers that were slightly different. A very important role in their life was the cult of the dead, which is seen in their careful burials and burial ceremonies, as well as the richness of their burial sites.
In northern parts, there was a long tradition of cremation and burial in shallow graves, while in the south the dead were buried in large stone or earth tumuli natively called gromile that in Herzegovina were reaching monumental sizes, more than 50 m wide and 5 m high. Japodian tribes had an affinity to decoration heavy, oversized necklaces out of yellow, blue or white glass paste, and large bronze fibulas, as well as spiral bracelets, diadems and helmets out of bronze foil.
In the 4th century BC, the first invasion of Celts is recorded. They brought the technique of the pottery wheelnew types of fibulas and different bronze and iron belts. They only passed on their way to Greeceso their influence in Bosnia and Herzegovina is negligible. Celtic migrations displaced many Illyrian tribes from their former lands, but some Celtic and Illyrian tribes mixed. Concrete historical evidence for this period is scarce, but overall it appears the region was populated by a number of different peoples speaking distinct languages.
In the Neretva Delta in the south, there were important Hellenistic influence of the Illyrian Daors tribe. Daorson in the 4th century BC was surrounded by megalithic5 m high stonewalls as large as those of Mycenae in Greececomposed of large trapezoid stone blocks.
Daors made unique bronze coins and sculptures. Middle Ages Main article: The Early Slavs raided the Western Balkans, including Bosnia, in the 6th and early 7th century amid the Migration Periodand were composed of small tribal units drawn from a single Slavic confederation known to the Byzantines as the Sclaveni whilst the related Antesroughly speaking, colonized the eastern portions of the Balkans.
The bulk of Bosnia proper, however, appears to have been a territory between Serb and Croat rule and is not enumerated as one of the regions settled by those tribes. In the High Middle Ages political circumstance led to the area being contested between the Kingdom of Hungary and the Byzantine Empire.